English resultatives : a force-recipient account

English resultatives : a force-recipient account /

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Bibliographic Details
Main Author: Iwata, Seizi (Author)
Corporate Author: ProQuest (Firm)
Format: Electronic eBook
Language:English
Published: Amsterdam ; Philadelphia : John Benjamins Publishing Company, [2020]
Series:Constructional approaches to language ; v. 26.
Subjects:
English language > Verb phrase.
English language > Resultative constructions.
Online Access:Connect to this title online (unlimited simultaneous users allowed; 325 uses per year)

MARC

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100 1 |a Iwata, Seizi,  |e author. 
245 1 0 |a English resultatives :  |b a force-recipient account /  |c Seizi Iwata, Kansei University. 
264 1 |a Amsterdam ;  |a Philadelphia :  |b John Benjamins Publishing Company,  |c [2020] 
300 |a 1 online resource (xx, 549 pages) 
336 |a text  |b txt  |2 rdacontent 
337 |a computer  |b n  |2 rdamedia 
338 |a online resource  |b nc  |2 rdacarrier 
490 1 |a Constructional approaches to language,  |x 1573-594X ;  |v volume 26 
504 |a Includes bibliographical references and indexes. 
505 0 0 |a Machine generated contents note:   |g ch. 1   |t Introduction --   |g 1.1.  |t What this book is about --   |g 1.1.1.  |t What are resultatives --   |g 1.1.2.  |t Two questions raised by resultatives with non-subcategorized objects --   |g 1.2.  |t How resultatives have been analyzed in Generative Grammar --   |g 1.2.1.  |t Small clause analysis --   |g 1.2.2.  |t Lexical rule approach --   |g 1.3.  |t How resultatives have been analyzed in Construction Grammar --   |g 1.3.1.  |t Goldberg (1995) --   |g 1.3.2.  |t Boas (2003) --   |g 1.3.3.  |t Short summary --   |g 1.4.  |t analysis to be proposed in this book --   |g 1.4.1.  |t How to answer the two questions --   |g 1.4.2.  |t lexical-constructional approach --   |g 1.4.3.  |t Methodology --   |g 1.4.4.  |t Terminology --   |g 1.5.  |t Organization of the book --   |g pt. I   |t force-recipient account --   |g ch. 2   |t status of the post-verbal NP --   |g 2.0.  |t Introduction to Part I --   |g 2.1.  |t Toward the constructional meaning of resultatives --   |g 2.1.1.  |t Boas (2003) once again --   |g 2.1.2.  |t Three possible paraphrases --   |g 2.1.3.  |t Problems with the first and second approaches --   |g 2.1.4.  |t Force-recipient account --   |g 2.2.  |t How force is transmitted --   |g 2.2.1.  |t Wipe the crumbs off the table --   |g 2.2.2.  |t Virtual pushing --   |g 2.3.  |t Further illustrations of virtual actions --   |g 2.3.1.  |t Push oneself to one's feet --   |g 2.3.2.  |t Laugh -- off the stage --   |g 2.3.3.  |t Sneeze -- out --   |g 2.4.  |t Discourse patient? --   |g 2.5.  |t Conclusion --   |g ch. 3   |t Force transmission as essential to resultatives --   |g 3.0.  |t Introduction --   |g 3.1.  |t Subcategorized object cases --   |g 3.1.1.  |t Post-verbal NP as force-recipient --   |g 3.1.2.  |t Types offeree --   |g 3.2.  |t Verbal force as relativized to the result state --   |g 3.3.  |t Non-subcategorized object cases again --   |g 3.3.1.  |t So-called "unaccusative/unergative" distinction --   |g 3.3.2.  |t Types of force, not types of participant roles --   |g 3.4.  |t Intransitive resultatives based on intransitive verbs --   |g 3.5.  |t Conclusion --   |g pt. II   |t So-called idiomatic cases --   |g ch. 4   |t He laughed his head off --   |g 4.0.  |t Introduction to Part II --   |g 4.1.  |t V one's head off --   |g 4.1.1.  |t Why does his head move off? --   |g 4.1.2.  |t Force dynamics of `V one's head off' --   |g 4.1.3.  |t Network of `V one's head off' --   |g 4.2.  |t Two layers of meaning --   |g 4.3.  |t Other related constructions --   |g 4.3.1.  |t V one's eyes out --   |g 4.3.2.  |t V one's heart out --   |g 4.3.3.  |t V one's guts out --   |g 4.3.4.  |t V one's lungs out --   |g 4.3.5.  |t V one's socks off and V one's butt off --   |g 4.4.  |t Discussion --   |g ch. 5   |t They beat the hell out of me --   |g 5.0.  |t Introduction --   |g 5.1.  |t construction which beat the hell out of is related to --   |g 5.1.1.  |t Perek (2016) --   |g 5.1.2.  |t `Beat -- out of' construction --   |g 5.2.  |t Five types of beat -- out of --   |g 5.2.1.  |t `Content coming out of a container' type --   |g 5.2.2.  |t `Get rid of' type --   |g 5.2.3.  |t `Get by coercion' type --   |g 5.2.4.  |t `Physiological effect' type and `emotional effect' type --   |g 5.2.5.  |t What the three schemas tell us --   |g 5.3.  |t From beat the hell out of to `V the hell out of' --   |g 5.3.1.  |t Beat the hell out of as the `emotional effect' type --   |g 5.3.2.  |t From literal meaning to intensifier meaning --   |g 5.3.3.  |t Polysemy network of `V the hell out of' --   |g 5.3.4.  |t Interim conclusion --   |g 5.4.  |t `V the shit out of' and `V the daylights out of' --   |g 5.4.1.  |t Which types do beat the shit out of and beat the daylights out of belong to? --   |g 5.4.2.  |t Polysemous networks of `V the daylights out of' and `V the shit out of' --   |g 5.5.  |t Possible origins of `V -- out of' idioms --   |g 5.5.1.  |t Beat the devil out of --   |g 5.5.2.  |t Beat the stuffing out of --   |g 5.6.  |t `V the life out of' --   |g 5.7.  |t Two types of complement alternation --   |g 5.7.1.  |t To death and shitless --   |g 5.7.2.  |t Out of one's wits --   |g 5.8.  |t Conclusion --   |g pt. III   |t Resultatives and domains --   |g ch. 6   |t Resultatives with verbs of eating and drinking I --   |g 6.0.  |t Introduction to Part III --   |g 6.1.  |t How to analyze resultatives with eat and drink --   |g 6.1.1.  |t Croft (2009) --   |g 6.1.2.  |t More on the three phases --   |g 6.1.3.  |t Complex causal chains for eat --   |g 6.1.4.  |t Eat -- clean and eat oneself full --   |g 6.2.  |t Eat oneself AP/PP --   |g 6.2.1.  |t Eat themselves out of a food supply --   |g 6.2.2.  |t Eat oneself to death --   |g 6.3.  |t Drink oneself AP/PP --   |g 6.3.1.  |t Drink oneself beautiful --   |g 6.3.2.  |t Drink oneself silly --   |g 6.3.3.  |t Drink oneself to death --   |g 6.4.  |t Result states as relativized to the domains --   |g 6.5.  |t Summary and conclusion --   |g ch. 7   |t Resultatives with verbs of eating and drinking II --   |g 7.0.  |t Introduction --   |g 7.1.  |t Eat -- out of house and home --   |g 7.1.1.  |t caribou eat themselves out of house and home --   |g 7.1.2.  |t He ate me out of house and home --   |g 7.2.  |t Drink -- under the table --   |g 7.2.1.  |t Two domains involved --   |g 7.2.2.  |t "beating" sense as primary --   |g 7.3.  |t Summary --   |g 7.4.  |t Conclusion --   |g ch. 8   |t He laughed himself silly --   |g 8.0.  |t Introduction --   |g 8.1.  |t `V oneself silly' --   |g 8.1.1.  |t Jackendoff (1997) --   |g 8.1.2.  |t What does it mean to become "silly" as a result of laughing? --   |g 8.1.3.  |t Short-lived result state --   |g 8.1.4.  |t Other instances of `V oneself silly' --   |g 8.2.  |t `V oneself stupid' --   |g 8.3.  |t `V oneself sick' --   |g 8.4.  |t Summary --   |g 8.5.  |t Conclusion --   |g pt. IV   |t `Change verb' resultatives and how to accommodate them --   |g ch. 9   |t `Change verb' resultatives --   |g 9.0.  |t Introduction to Part IV --   |g 9.1.  |t Weak resultatives and spurious resultatives --   |g 9.1.1.  |t Pustejovsky (1991a) --   |g 9.1.2.  |t Washio (1997) --   |g 9.1.3.  |t Further characteristics of `change verb' resultatives --   |g 9.2.  |t How change verb' resultatives are to be analyzed --   |g 9.2.1.  |t What is the host of predication? --   |g 9.2.2.  |t Unifying `change verb' resultatives with ordinary resultatives --   |g 9.3.  |t Resultative caused-motion counterparts --   |g 9.3.1.  |t Break the egg into the pan --   |g 9.3.2.  |t Empty the tank into the sink --   |g 9.4.  |t Still another issue raised by `change verb' resultatives --   |g 9.4.1.  |t Result phrase-addition analysis --   |g 9.4.2.  |t Result phrase construction --   |g 9.4.3.  |t Summary --   |g 9.5.  |t Conclusion --   |g ch. 10   |t What are spurious resultatives? --   |g 10.0.  |t Introduction --   |g 10.1.  |t Putative characteristics of spurious resultatives --   |g 10.2.  |t Thinly --   |g 10.2.1.  |t Adverbs that refer to a theme entity --   |g 10.2.2.  |t Spread -- thinly, cut -- thinly --   |g 10.2.3.  |t distinction between thin and thinly --   |g 10.3.  |t Tight/tightly and loose/loosely --   |g 10.3.1.  |t When the alternation is really possible --   |g 10.3.2.  |t What does it mean to be tight? --   |g 10.3.3.  |t Pull -- tight vs. pull -- tightly --   |g 10.3.4.  |t Force persistence --   |g 10.3.5.  |t Loose vs. loosely --   |g 10.4.  |t Conclusion --   |g ch. 11   |t Resultatives with open/shut --   |g 11.0.  |t Introduction --   |g 11.1.  |t How a door becomes open/shut --   |g 11.1.1.  |t Resultative caused-motion? --   |g 11.1.2.  |t Co-occurrence of motion and change of state --   |g 11.1.3.  |t Internalized translational motion --   |g 11.1.4.  |t Co-extensiveness between change of state and internalized translational motion --   |g 11.2.  |t Three types of open/shut expressions --   |g 11.2.1.  |t Type 1 --   |g 11.2.2.  |t Type 2 --   |g 11.2.3.  |t Type 3 --   |g 11.3.  |t What the existence of the three types tells us --   |g 11.3.1.  |t Washio's (1997) three types again --   |g 11.3.2.  |t Why open may appear in all the three types of resultatives --   |g 11.3.3.  |t unified analysis under the force-recipient account --   |g 11.4.  |t Functional open --   |g 11.5.  |t Conclusion --   |g pt. V   |t On the result component --   |g ch. 12   |t To result phrases vs. into result phrases --   |g 12.0.  |t Introduction to Part V --   |g 12.1.  |t To a whisper --   |g 12.1.1.  |t Point on a scale --   |g 12.1.2.  |t Other similar cases --   |g 12.2.  |t To death --   |g 12.2.1.  |t Endpoint of a path --   |g 12.2.2.  |t Short summary --   |g 12.3.  |t Into a coma --   |g 12.4.  |t To pieces vs. into pieces --   |g 12.4.1.  |t Corpus data --   |g 12.4.2.  |t Different aspects of becoming "pieces" --   |g 12.4.3.  |t Other expressions for decomposition --   |g 12.5.  |t In/Into alternation --   |g 12.5.1.  |t In result phrase --   |g 12.5.2.  |t Parallel with spatial paths --   |g 12.6.  |t Conclusion --   |g ch. 13   |t Adjectival result phrases vs. prepositional result phrases --   |g 13.0.  |t Introduction --   |g 13.1.  |t Previous analyses --   |g 13.1.1.  |t matter of conventionalization? --   |g 13.1.2.  |t Tsuzuki (2003a, 2003b) --   |g 13.1.3.  |t Problems with Tsuzuki (2003a, 2003b) --   |g 13.2.  |t difference between an AP and a to-PP --   |g 13.2.1.  |t Aspectual integration of the verbal event and the change of state --   |g 13.2.2.  |t AP only' cases --   |g 13.2.3.  |t `To-PP only' cases --   |g 13.2.4.  |t Shoot -- dead vs. shoot -- to death --   |g 13.3.  |t Differences between APs, to-PPs, and into-PPs --   |g 13.3.1.  |t Into-PPs --   |g 13.3.2.  |t Summary --   |g 13.4.  |t How the choice of result phrases is really to be accounted for --   |g 13.4.1.  |t Tsuzuki's (2003a, 2003b) proposal once again --   |g 13.4.2.  |t Verspoor's (1997) data once again --   |g 13.5.  |t Implications for the force-recipient account --   |g 13.6.  |t Conclusion --   |g ch. 14   |t Consequences of the AP/PP distinction --   |g 14.0.  |t Introduction --   |g 14.1.  |t Aspectual constraint --   |g 14.1.1.  |t Immediate result or not? --   |g 14.1.2.  |t APs and PPs behave differently --   |g 14.1.3.  |t Prepositional result phrases vs. path result phrases --   |g 14.2.  |t She cried herself to sleep --   |g 14.2.1.  |t Enabling causation --   |g 14.2.2.  |t How to enable someone to sleep --   |g 14.2.3.  |t How to enable oneself to sleep --   |g 14.2.4.  |t Enabling causation in force dynamics --   |g 14.3.  |t Conclusion --   |g pt. VI   |t Still further issues surrounding adjectival result phrases --   |g ch. 15   |t Maximal end-point constraint reconsidered --   |g 15.0.  |t Introduction to Part VI --   |g 15.1.  |t Wechsler (2005a, 2005b) --   |g 15.2.  |t Problems --   |g 15.3.  |t Well-behaved data? --   |g 15.3.1.  |t Wechsler (2012, 2015) --   |g 15.3.2.  |t "well-behaved" data as an illusion --   |g 15.4.  |t What is wrong with the maximal end-point constraint? --   |g 15.5.  |t Conclusion --   |g ch. 16   |t Selectional restrictions on adjectival result phrases --   |g 16.0.  |t Introduction --   |g 16.1.  |t Subcategorized object cases --   |g 16.1.1.  |t How the result state is brought about --   |g 16.1.2.  |t Not a direct result but a consequence -- 
505 0 0 |a Contents note continued:   |g 16.2.  |t Wipe -- wet --   |g 16.2.1.  |t wiping force once again --   |g 16.2.2.  |t When and why wipe -- wet is possible --   |g 16.3.  |t Fake object cases --   |g 16.3.1.  |t Goldberg (1995), Vanden Wyngaerd (2001) --   |g 16.3.2.  |t Where the apparent delimited endpoint comes from --   |g 16.4.  |t Conclusion --   |g ch. 17   |t Temporal dependence reconsidered --   |g 17.0.  |t Introduction --   |g 17.1.  |t Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2001) --   |g 17.1.1.  |t Two types of resultatives --   |g 17.1.2.  |t Temporal coextensiveness --   |g 17.2.  |t Temporal dependence is only part of the story --   |g 17.2.1.  |t Problems with Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2001) --   |g 17.2.2.  |t real difference between wriggle free and wriggle oneself free --   |g 17.2.3.  |t Kick free --   |g 17.2.4.  |t When the subevents are temporally co-extensive --   |g 17.3.  |t Croft (2012) --   |g 17.3.1.  |t Integrating force-dynamic and aspectual representations of event structure --   |g 17.3.2.  |t Modifications needed --   |g 17.4.  |t Conclusion --   |g pt. VII   |t Resultatives that are not based on force-transmission --   |g ch. 18   |t Princess Anne rides to victory --   |g 18.0.  |t Introduction to Part VII --   |g 18.1.  |t To victory --   |g 18.1.1.  |t Direct Object Restriction --   |g 18.1.2.  |t Violation of the Direct Object Restriction --   |g 18.1.3.  |t Apparent puzzle of to victory --   |g 18.2.  |t To victory as a goal-achieving path --   |g 18.2.1.  |t Why the Direct Object Restriction holds --   |g 18.2.2.  |t Goal-like characteristics --   |g 18.2.3.  |t Change of state that is based on a metaphor --   |g 18.2.4.  |t Caused motion vs. simple motion --   |g 18.3.  |t Further instances of changes of state effected by metaphorical changes of location --   |g 18.3.1.  |t To success --   |g 18.3.2.  |t To exhaustion --   |g 18.4.  |t Changes of state which are effected by physical changes of location --   |g 18.4.1.  |t To safety and to freedom --   |g 18.4.2.  |t Out of sight --   |g 18.5.  |t Conclusion --   |g ch. 19   |t Resultatives with free --   |g 19.0.  |t Introduction --   |g 19.1.  |t Does free denote an endpoint? --   |g 19.1.1.  |t `Free as expressing an endpoint' thesis --   |g 19.1.2.  |t Problems --   |g 19.2.  |t `V -- free' --   |g 19.2.1.  |t How to cause something to become free --   |g 19.2.2.  |t Free vs. to freedom --   |g 19.2.3.  |t Resultatives based on self-initiated force --   |g 19.3.  |t Cut -- free --   |g 19.3.1.  |t Apparent puzzle --   |g 19.3.2.  |t `Separation'-cut --   |g 19.3.3.  |t Cut -- free as a `change verb' resultative --   |g 19.3.4.  |t Putative restriction --   |g 19.4.  |t Conclusion --   |g pt. VIII   |t Putative resultatives --   |g ch. 20   |t Follow and disappear --   |g 20.0.  |t Introduction --   |g 20.1.  |t Follow him out of the room --   |g 20.1.1.  |t Another apparent counter-example to the Direct Object Restriction --   |g 20.1.2.  |t Follow as a motion verb --   |g 20.1.3.  |t Further-specifying path PPs --   |g 20.2.  |t Other approaches --   |g 20.2.1.  |t Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2001) --   |g 20.2.2.  |t Goldberg & Jackendoff (2004) --   |g 20.3.  |t Disappear down the road --   |g 20.3.1.  |t Goldberg & Jackendoff (2004) --   |g 20.3.2.  |t Disappear as a motion verb --   |g 20.3.3.  |t How to become invisible --   |g 20.3.4.  |t Whose visual field? --   |g 20.4.  |t Conclusion --   |g ch. 21   |t Verbs of sound emission followed by a path PP --   |g 21.0.  |t Introduction --   |g 21.1.  |t Previous analyses --   |g 21.1.1.  |t Levin & Rappaport Hovav (1995, 96, 99) --   |g 21.1.2.  |t Goldberg & Jackendoff (2004) --   |g 21.1.3.  |t Meaning shift or construction? --   |g 21.2.  |t `Motion-describing' type --   |g 21.2.1.  |t Parallel between manner and sound --   |g 21.2.2.  |t Further parallels --   |g 21.3.  |t `Motion-induced' type --   |g 21.3.1.  |t Two types of sound emission --   |g 21.3.2.  |t Motion-describing' type vs. `motion-induced' type --   |g 21.4.  |t More on the distinction --   |g 21.5.  |t Where there is a sound, there should be a motion --   |g 21.6.  |t Verbs of sound emission followed by open/shut --   |g 21.6.1.  |t Levin & Rappaport Hovav (1995) --   |g 21.6.2.  |t fundamental problem --   |g 21.6.3.  |t sound-emission event as describing an internalized translational motion --   |g 21.6.4.  |t Functional open once again --   |g 21.7.  |t Conclusion --   |g ch. 22   |t Reconsidering the parallel between change of state and change of location --   |g 22.0.  |t Introduction --   |g 22.1.  |t Putative parallel between change of state and change of location --   |g 22.1.1.  |t Transitive cases --   |g 22.1.2.  |t Intransitive cases --   |g 22.2.  |t Motion expressions --   |g 22.3.  |t Resultatives that are based on motion --   |g 22.4.  |t Overall picture --   |g 22.5.  |t Conclusion --   |g pt. IX   |t Still another putative constraint --   |g ch. 23   |t Unique path constraint reconsidered --   |g 23.0.  |t Introduction --   |g 23.1.  |t Unique path constraint --   |g 23.1.1.  |t Goldberg (1991a, 1995) --   |g 23.1.2.  |t Adjectival result phrases do not denote paths --   |g 23.2.  |t Why adjectival result phrases do not co-occur with path PPs --   |g 23.2.1.  |t Co-occurrence of more than one result phrase --   |g 23.2.2.  |t No special constraint is necessary --   |g 23.3.  |t Still another distinction that has been overlooked --   |g 23.3.1.  |t Why motion verbs do not co-occur with result phrases --   |g 23.3.2.  |t Resultatives based on motion once again --   |g 23.4.  |t Conclusion --   |g ch. 24   |t To one's death --   |g 24.1.  |t Another instance of resultative based on motion? --   |g 24.2.  |t Why to one's death means what it does --   |g 24.3.  |t Contextual modulation --   |g 24.4.  |t Conclusion --   |g ch. 25   |t Summary and conclusion --   |g 25.1.  |t Resultative constructions under a force-recipient account --   |g 25.2.  |t Answers to the two questions --   |g 25.2.1.  |t Answer to the first question --   |g 25.2.2.  |t Answer to the second question --   |g 25.3.  |t How to arrived the observed syntax --   |g 25.4.  |t Cross-linguistic differences --   |g 25.5.  |t Final word. 
533 |a Electronic reproduction.  |b Ann Arbor, MI  |n Available via World Wide Web. 
588 0 |a Online resource; title from digital title page (viewed on March 10, 2020). 
650 0 |a English language  |x Verb phrase. 
650 0 |a English language  |x Resultative constructions. 
710 2 |a ProQuest (Firm) 
776 0 8 |i Print version:  |a Iwata, Seizi.  |t English resultatives.  |d Amsterdam ; Philadelphia : John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2020  |z 9789027204912  |w (DLC) 2019056152 
830 0 |a Constructional approaches to language ;  |v v. 26. 
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